Party Time has Ended: The Case for Politics Beyond the Party
by Colin Jordan (1986)

We live in the twilight days of a doomed age. Enveloping us is a sick society, condemned to death in the cosmic cycle of transformation by its inherent inability to overcome its strains and stresses: an old order now exhibiting a myriad manifestations of its advancing disintegration.

Yet its final demise may be long delayed, and meanwhile its committed adherents tighten their hold on power, exercised through the veiled force of censorship and indoctrination, and the denial of facilities to opponents, and an increasing resort to coercion and suppression.

These conditions specify a life and death struggle for those dedicated to the survival and advancement of Higher Man through a New Order of Aryandom.

In such a struggle the prerequisite for effective action is a searching appraisal of way and means. All practices and procedures must be subjected to an analysis of cost-effectiveness, and retained or rejected accordingly.

Against that back-cloth, this article is concerned to show that the day of the political party is over in its appeal to the masses with leaflets at large, its marches round and round the houses, and all the rest of its routine designed to woo and win the majority vote of the population at an election is hopelessly unproductive.

The political party, whatever its content, and even where nominally anti-democratic, is the organisational product of the mass society called “Democracy,” meaning a society which purports to respond to and provide for the Common Man.

It was preceded by the overt and avowed rule of minorities, and Democracy is no less subject to minorities than any other experienced or conjectured society, its only distinction in this respect being that of the modus operandi of its minorities.

It is – except when mortally menaced, and thus brought to a departure from the normal form – mainly manipulative and masked, as opposed to being mainly and blatantly coercive. This dominance of minorities is to be expected as a fact of life. The rule of the public, apart from minute units of administration, has never existed, and never can and never will exist. Civilisation, its management and its finer fruits, has always come not from the Common but from the Uncommon Man.

To say so in no way detracts from the argument for the just apportionment of its material benefits to the former, however lowly in ability and effort and consequent due. By the term “the masses,” as used here, is meant not a material but a mental class, regardless of monetary means, made up of the entirety of sheepish citizenry in its conformity to the status quo ordained and blessed by the media of Democracy.

Democracy’s Control Box

The political party came into use in the early days of the development of the mass society, consequent on the increase in communication among the people at large, and the increase in the uniformity of their lives, both resulting from the Industrial Revolution, and this long before the advent of the most modem and the most powerful means of moulding the minds of the masses: television.

With television today the ruling minorities of Democracy have an instrument of mind control in the centre of virtually every home in the land, ensuring that millions upon millions of beguiled boobs of the cathode-ray tube think the “democratic” way, and thus come to vote for the “democratic” options. The total content of the television box today decides the total result of the ballot box tomorrow.

The party game is thus firmly under the power of the enemy of national and racial resurgence, and indulgence in it by those excluded from television, along with the rest of the mass media, is a waste of time.

Even Hitler – who came to power just before his opponents gained this weapon – could not today succeed against and without the magic box. Short of acquiring it for ourselves, or destroying it for the others, there is only one way its all-pervasive, hypnotic, malignant influence can be overcome, and that is through a thorough breakdown in society sufficiently painful to prod the people out of their coma of enslavement.

Created for and concerned with the masses, the nationalist or National Socialist party inevitably becomes crippled and corrupted by the exactions of the involvement. In the delusive pursuit of numbers as the measure of strength, it commits two errors of cardinal severity which guarantee its weakness. Firstly, in its desire to attract the Common Man in quantity, it has to set its requirements of membership at a sufficiently low level, so as to offer him the gratification of identification with a supposedly lofty cause on the basis of little, if anything, more than some paltry payment.

Having brought him into the fold, instead of just taking the collecting box to him on the outside, and with his contribution clearly proving insufficient to enable desirable progress, there follows a constant striving to try and coax him into doing more, which is the folly of trying to make a political activist out of a being whose nature prohibits it.

Thus the role of the political party runs counter to that iron law of humanity which decrees that political activists are and always will be a tiny minority, most productive on their own, and that the rest of mankind is and always will be of the nature of political bystanders.

In consequence, while necessarily starting out as a nucleus of political activists, the party soon ends up dissipating the capacity of its activists because of their attachment to the others. Because of this attachment an endless effort ensues to try and keep the recruited men of the masses content with their membership. Activities to this end have to be arranged all over the country, costly in time and money, including all the travelling back and forth by all concerned, primarily to the benefit of the petrol companies, the coach companies, and British Railways.

Beyond this, to a considerable extent the party tends to degenerate into as much a party of fun and games as anything else, greatly occupied with the posturing and pretending, the babbling and the boozing of the bulk of its members.

Pitfalls of the Party Game

The second great error of the party is to set its bounds of beliefs so wide in pursuit of numbers that it achieves thereby not a greater strength but a lesser one through the disunity this spells.

The amalgamation of numbers without a fusion of minds is but a congregation of bodies doomed to discord and disruption, because it is only the semblance and not the substance of unity, which always depends upon a clear predominance of common belief.

With its arms thrown open too widely in welcome, the party, in the width of its policy, takes in differences too large to digest. Along with the positive protagonists of ideological disagreement, it attracts a swamping influx of little people – little in the limitations of their mind, vision, and spirit – saturated with all the superficial perceptions and shallow sentiments of Democracy; people who fancy a spare-time hobby of rebellious radicalism, albeit shackled with the mental fetters of Democracy’s notions of “respectability” and “moderation,” and thus incapable of dangling more than a couple of toes in the cauldron of revolutionary thought and action.

With the fatal combination of low requirements of membership and wide bounds of policy, the political party can do nothing other than present a feeble spectacle of the tail wagging the dog.

Any complete computation of the cost-effectiveness of this party game, namely what is actually gained from all the relatively inactive but disproportionately vociferous recruits in this forlorn hunt for mass membership, in return for all the constant effort to retain them, condemns the practice completely.

It is said that every little bit helps. So it does, providing and only providing it does not cost as much or more to obtain than it is worth; and providing it is recognised that little bits will never bring victory in a mighty struggle, even when much multiplied. Otherwise, we commit the folly of subscribing to the egalitarian vanity that little is lovely. To do so is to create a slough of frustration wherein the active few are nullified and discouraged by having to carry on their back the burden of the relatively inactive many all around them. The issue here is not for one moment that the little bits of help from the public at large should be scorned and disregarded, but that they can and should be gathered on the outside by the political activists, segregated as a task force; and do not need to be and should not therefore be sought through common membership of one and the same organisation as happens with a political party.

Ballot Box Futility

The very raison d’être of a political party is to appeal sufficiently to the masses so as to obtain sufficient votes in elections as to attain state power, and thus to form a government of the country.

Nationalist parties have been operating for decades to this end, and have yet failed to obtain or even come near to obtaining a single seat in Parliament, let alone a necessary majority in Parliament, meaning hundreds of seats.

While during those decades the plight of our race and nation has worsened and worsened, such parties have come no nearer success.

Some seek to account for this obvious failure to become sufficiently known and acceptable to the masses as a failure to trim policy sufficiently for this political market, including a failure to avoid the stigma of “Nazi” and “extremist.”

Their remedy is to convert themselves that much more to the masses, instead of seeking to convert the masses to them, thus seeking to compete with the established parties on their own ground by coming closer to them, while still lacking all the advantages of infrastructure which those orthodox parties possess. Such people, priding themselves on their astuteness, perpetrate the absurdity of abandoning the capacity to reform in pursuit of the opportunity to reform.

In deep privacy and with a crafty wink, some will confide that their contortions are only window-dressing, and that when in power they will show their true colours. Their true colours, apparent enough already, amount to constitutional weakness.

Such are the workings of such frailty that, giving way to it now, come the pay-off they would never have the strength to transcend it. The smears they fear and vainly attempt to distance themselves from are but the concomitant of all adequate proposals for national and racial resurgence, avoidable only by a shameful procedure of self-sterilisation.

Others of sterner stuff concede that electoral success is out of reach, but argue that electioneering is nevertheless justified for the sake of the resulting publicity and recruitment.

However, to prove their point they need to show, and fail to show, that the gain in whatever quantity and quality of support resulting from such electioneering at least equals, if not exceeds, the gain to be achieved through an equal expenditure of time and money in other ways.

One thing that electioneering certainly does not achieve is that manifestation which more than that of intellect and ideals moves the masses – the manifestation of strength – for it almost always results in a miserable manifestation of weakness.

Our misrulers, secure in their mastery of the media and thereby the minds of the electorate, are comparatively content – if they cannot dispel or deter all resistance – to let Democracy’s dissidents expend themselves in the attrition of the party game they have devised and dominate. They are confident that, if by some fluke, these non-conformists did happen to become a real threat, they could increase the array of existing impediments to the extent of a ban in all but name.

Democracy’s deceit is all the time to proclaim to its spellbound public the prevalence of freedom, while preventing its exercise by a combination of contrivances.

In this conspiracy of suppression the current revision of the Public Order Act is intended to turn the screw that much tighter on any Nationalist or National Socialist party as to almost paralyse it.

Even if a veritable miracle happened, and such a party did gain a majority of votes, can you believe that Democracy’s masters, faced with elimination, would accept the verdict of the ballot box, and meekly hand over control? A naked struggle would still ensue. It is not some option for us, but an ultimate necessity in any eventuality.

Role of the Task Force

The corollary of all this is the conclusion that, in so far as the support of the masses is needed in one form or another for the attainment of state power in one way or the another, this can only be obtained through a breakdown of the society of the old order so substantial as to galvanise the docile slaves of the silver screen into a rejection of their enslavers.

Thus today, in place of political parties fantasizing about the mobilisation of the mesmerised masses, we need to adopt and develop the conception of the task force or elite organisation of activists engaging only in cost-effective activities to undermine the fraudulent and disastrous system of Democracy in the conviction that through the high quality of its personnel and their operations an effect can be achieved out of all proportion to the numbers and the Cost, and far greater than the ability of parties.

For such the prerequisite is the realisation that the gravity and urgency of the struggle makes it tantamount to a war, and that the ubiquity of the menace makes that war a war on all the fronts of life, and thus a total war. Thus for this spearhead of the struggle politics becomes a whole way of life, not just the fragmentary involvement of the party. One joins the later with a signature and a subscription.

One becomes part of the former by living the cause as a worker and fighter. It follows from this outlook of the vanguard for victory that a high standard of political education, systematic training for present activities, and far-sighted preparation for the future culmination of breakdown, is imperative.

Whereas parties are concerned to talk about the betterment of things after an electoral triumph, the task force is concerned to practice the better life as much as possible now in anticipation of the future formation of government. Hence it is concerned shrewdly to survey and assess the extent to which, even today, the new can be practiced within the frontiers of the old, and thus to that limited but nevertheless substantial extent society can be here and now transformed from within.

This means not only the daily code of living of the isolated individual, but also the coalescence of individuals in residential communities, providing a microcosm of the New Order; or, failing that, business ventures and other functional projects; remembering that, as a side effect, the finest propaganda is provided by an example in practice.

Study of Power

Such a survey reveals that there is a vast territory of life not subject to either the effective or the attempted control of the enemy. State power is the aim of the party, but beyond that destination lies the introduction of new ways in respect of which coercion has its acute limitations and persuasion its much greater place.

Power is but a means to an end which lies in practice, and practice even now within the state of the enemy is a victorious exercise of power. Within you, given the will and the way as one stepping forth in separation from the masses, lies the potentiality of power in plenty.

Power thus needs to be finely analysed as a scientific study, whereby all its various forms and levels become properly distinguished, and open to pursuit, not merely those of local and national government.

Thereby not only the establishment of a special settlement, or the coming together of fellow activists in a density of residential proximity, seen as a sizeable seizure of power, but so too is an act of infiltration by an individual into a position of influence whereby he or she can substantially promote an aspect of our creed detached from an off-putting identification with a total parcel of policy.

An example of a functional project lies in the field of education, where at present in the generality of schooling there is not only an appalling failure to impart the vital knowledge of Race and true History, and to encourage strong and wholesome character with its appreciation of the need for discipline and its sense of service to the folk community; but there is also an intensive corruption by the multi-racialist and Marxist teachers who predominate in the profession today, resulting in a generation alienated from our folk, and in character either soft and spineless or nihilistic and vicious.

Thus one of the tasks of the task force should be to develop its own schooling and out-of-school training for its children.

All such implantations of the new within the realm of the old order is some contribution to its breakdown, but, beyond this, there are ways galore directly to damage the enemy’s apparatus of power, if one makes a study of it. A spanner in the works and sugar in the petrol tank of Democracy goes more to bring about its breakdown than battling for the ballot box.

Another specialty open to an elite are daring and dramatizing deeds of propaganda, whereby a well-trained few with a wealth of imagination but little cost can register a strong impact on the masses – whose psyche responds to boldness – useful now in stimulating and focusing discontent, and useful in the future by establishing a: record of leadership in resistance. In this context, when for example one contemplates the hundreds of thousands of man-hours which have gone into distributing party leaflets which nevertheless have reached but a fraction of the population, and doing so commanded but a tiny response, can it be denied that a far smaller and cheaper effort by the right sort of people could have achieved a far greater and more attentive audience through the transmitters of clandestine radio?

For obvious reasons one cannot here go into and must leave to the fertile imagination the wide range of political warfare open essentially to the select few operating on lines comparable to the special units of Otto Skozeny. This is essentially the domain of the professional soldier of politics with no room for the dilettante or the juvenile desperado. He, and not the party politician or party member will be the one needed and decisive when the breakdown fully arrives, and the naked struggle for state power follows.

Obviously a task force in all its various divisions is not something for inauguration and recruitment in the same fashion as a party. Instead it calls for private and personal contact whereby there is ample and prior opportunity to size up a person as both thoroughly genuine and really suitable beyond this before any approach is made and any invitation to participate is subsequently extended. A strict separation of the personnel of the overt from those of the underground activities is absolutely essential; and with the latter, furthermore, a separation of its personnel within cells is imperative.

As things are now, our cause is vitiated by the dead end politics of the party, a proven failure as an instrument of struggle. Let us face up to this, break free from the related fetters of thinking, and forthwith replace it with a task force!


[This article first appeared in National Review, number 45, 1986. It later appeared in National Socialism: Vanguard of the Future (Selected Writings of Colin Jordan), Nordland Forlag, Aalborg, 1993. pp. 109-118]