See also Don’t Be Another White Mug!

A Train of Thought is of pure fiction. It is neither a description of things happening or to happen in the future, nor does it aim to have it come about.

Editors Note

From the Colin Jordan Memorial Project

Why did Colin Jordan write this article? Why did he view it as so essential to address the issue of a National Socialist victory in the modern day? Moreover, does this article from 1989 still have a bearing in the current generation of National Socialists?

Colin Jordan wrote this article after decades in the National Socialist scene, having founded the White Defence League in the 1957 (Being a member of the League of Empire Loyalists before this). To put that into view: He wrote this after 3 decades in the movement. That is longer than some of the people reading this. This means he had discussed almost every strategy possible, but, that he also had a more sober view of the ideology and its prospects of achieving a victory; unlike many youth who have unrealistic hopes or strategies.

This article is a fictional story that is presented as a young male who takes part in a discussion with an older man who has clearly been in the same place as the young male. It may surprise you, their discussion takes place on a train.

Not as many people seem to talk about this piece by Colin Jordan going by my own conversations about Colin Jordan and his work. This may be due to the lack of an actual PDF of the article and the only digital version (that I know of) is in the PDF for National Socialism: Vanguard of the Future. With the release of this PDF, that will hopefully change — For that to happen though, you need to share the PDF yourself.


A Train of Thought by Colin Jordan (1989)

Peter Bramham, single, 20, insurance clerk, homeward bound for the West Midlands, searched for and found a comparatively vacant portion of the waiting train at Euston Station.

In London for the Saturday to attend his first big meeting of the nationalist organisation he had recently joined, he now settled down to read a copy of the magazine he had bought there. He had barely finished the first article before the only other nearby pass-anger, a man opposite partly hidden behind an outstretched copy of the Evening Standard, tossed it on one side, and, in doing so, noticed and fixed his eyes on the cover of Peter’s magazine, and then on Peter himself. Perceiving his scrutiny to be observed, an amiable expression spread across his 30-40-year-old face, and he opened conversation with a remark complimentary to the magazine.

Fraternisation proceeded swiftly, and Peter shortly posed the perennial problem of how to make headway more quickly. “Would it be better to try and infiltrate the Conservative Party, already in power and turn it to our purpose?” He enquired.

The reply he received was that infiltration could only succeed where the field of power was sufficiently open, and not tightly controlled by people keenly’ on guard against it, and where there was the possibility of a sufficient base of ready sympathy among the rank and file and lower functionaries.

To attempt to change things within the Conservative Party would be a more gigantic, if not impossible task, than to attempt to oust it from power by external means because of the overwhelming presence in it of the precise mentality responsible for Britain’s plight, and a leadership representative of this mentality at its very worst, keenly alert to any threat to person and policy from infiltration.

Peter turned to another argument: “Wouldn’t it be wiser to not add so greatly to our difficulties by defending Hitler’s Germany of 50 years ago which is irrelevant to Britain Today?”

Answered the older man: “The condition of Britain today, causing her condition in the future, is the product of her past, and thus shaped by her catastrophic conflict with the only force in history which has really challenged the whole process of Aryan decline. There lies the relevance!

Our indictment of the old parties would be hugely incomplete, if we omitted to show their wrongs of today in the casual context of their wrongs of a half-century ago.

The subject of that time past cannot be avoided in principle or in practice. To seek refuge in silence is impossible. To deny relevance is unbelievable. To tender some feeble commentary concurring with the lies of the enemy is disgraceful. The only remaining option is to summon the courage and integrity to tell the truth.

However hotly that truth is rejected now, it may be remembered to your credit in the future that you told it, but, regardless of present or future acceptance, the telling of it is of crucial importance to you as an expression of your unflinching determination to face up to the rigours of the great struggle confronting you.

Consideration of the present public reaction to what you say now on this subject is unimportant because of the enemy’s present control of the public reaction in general which is well-nigh total, ensuring your overall rejection in any case. Such is the efficacy of the enemy’s mind-shaping of the masses by the media it monopolises, that you could distribute leaflets and hold meetings till you died of old age without causing more than some relatively trifling reverberations which the enemy could easily contain.”

Distress: The Maker of Change

“Dire discomfort mixed with the prospect of remedial upheaval is the vital chemistry for the crucible of radical change.

This alone can provide the means to jolt the masses out of their induced somnambulism. When, and only when this revolutionary situation arrives will the masses become capable of looking freshly and freely on what you say and what they remember you having said. In that time of change denunciation from the old parties will become the recommendation to their ears. Till then, even if you echo the enemy’s denigration of Adolf Hitler’s crusade for racial salvation, you will never compete successfully with the precedence the old parties command in the public mind because of their powers of presentation; and they will still smear you by associating your basic principles with Hitler, so your contortions to avoid this will be a failure.”

Peter persisted in probing for an easier way. “Wouldn’t it make things easier, if we attempted a Christian approach?”

“Impossible,” rejoined his critic. “All the enfeebling arguments and sentiments of today, responsible for all of today’s harmful practices, came to us in their ultimate justification and derivation from Judaic Christianity. They constitute, however vaporous and unidentified, the corpus of the Christian tradition of myth and morality permeating the public regardless of whether the people are practicing or even professing Christians.

Thus Britain’s parlous political and social condition springs from a spiritual disorder caused by an alien implantation. For this sickness, of the soul naturally no ordinary political or social remedy can suffice.

What is required is no less than the complete eradication of the cause of this disease, and this by Christianity entire replacement by an Aryan religion resulting from a Weltanschauung encompassing the whole purpose and all the corresponding values of Aryan existence, and thus supplying it with its requisite totality of vision”

Considerably taken aback by this shock to his conventional deferences, Peter paused a while before it occurred to him to ask about the role of the Royal Family.

Thereupon it was put to him that, doing nothing to oppose the racial ruination of Britain, and instead presiding over it with pomp and circumstance, the royal family cannot rightly be regarded as any manifestation of or focal point for surviving national spirit.

Instead they have to be seen as the stars of a soap opera of pseudo-patriotism constantly and glutinously projected by the media to distract the lull masses while the racial ruination decreed by their masters’ proceeds. In this role they are themselves major malefactors in a crime of crimes against our race and nation.

“Nevertheless”, said Peter, “even if the public is wrong regarding Hitler’s Germany, Christianity, and the royal family, surely we need public support in order to gain power, and therefore need to conform sufficiently to the thoughts and feelings of the public to get that support?”

My contention,” responded his companion, “is that public support is neither sufficiently obtainable now, even as mere passive approval, nor, as positive action, obtainable in decisive magnitude at any time. Public support, therefore, cannot be the key to power for us.

Realities of Power-Seeking

“The objective must be clearly discerned and sharply defined as the attainment of power by any mains whatsoever; except those that bring about a functional disability respecting our ultimate aims.

“This means the attainment of power with or without majority approval beforehand. Majority approval cannot be obtained beforehand because of our lack of power in the media.

Even if it could be obtained beforehand, it would not be decisive because of the unchangeable nature of the masses which causes them to be incapable of sustained political action as distinct from passive approval or disapproval, and thus incapable of providing the motive force for an electoral attainment of power, or its attainment by any other means.

Minorities always have decided things and always will decide things in the final analysis. Even the conventional political party, ostensibly an instrument of the masses, always resolves down into a minority as far as deciding and doing is concerned.

This does not mean that public approval is always inconsequential. On the contrary, it is indispensable after the attainment of power, although not so beforehand, and this is because the attainment of power is not the end, but only the means whereby a change can be brought about not merely in the workings of the system, but in the whole character of society and the way of life, and for which it is necessary to change the people as far as their nature allows, and in order to do this to secure power will alone give us the power of the media whereby to secure this approval.

Clearly you cannot work towards this ultimate aim of the revolutionary change necessary for Aryan survival, revival, and advancement, by changing yourself to conform to the pattern of thought and behaviour opposed to this which is imposed on the public by the present masters of the media. This would be to cooperate in your own cancellation, and for the sake of the unsuccessful pursuit of the will-o’-the-wisp of unobtainable public support.”

The train slowed to a stop in a station, and the milling throng on the platform caused the older man to exclaim “There you have them: the denizens of democracy, content with the illusion fed to them that they decide things, whereas in reality things are decided for them through their conditioning by the media as to what to accept or reject, according to the dictates of the ultimate and permanent rulers in the background.

“Stuffed with all the permissible thoughts conducive to our downfall; drawn in their millions to devotion to the box, the booze, and the ball, and the pursuit of the pecuniary and plastic pleasures of a society conceived as a supermarket; trained to eschew as antiquarian absurdity anything in the way of heroic idealism: can you really expect salvation to come from the thought and action of these programmed helots?”

Democracy’s Death Rattle

There intruded from further down the carriage snatches of the devilish din described as “rock,” delivered by a midget radio clutched affectionately by one of a couple of long-haired louts clad in tatty jeans. “This is what we are up against!” he added:

“The bulk of our younger generation clad appropriately in the slovenly uniform of the creed of slovenliness, debauching their minds in an ecstasy of adoration of a chaos of cacophony and the vile creatures of the night purveying it. This represents democracy’s maturity, and that maturity is the prelude to communism.”

While not disposed to contest the condemnation, Peter nevertheless felt obliged to suggest that, if we are concerned to destroy the existing order, surely this makes a case for making use of all elements rebellious to it, such as football hooligans, skinheads, and the “Rock Against Communism” groups adopted by some nationalist bodies.

The reply he got was that a careful distinction had to be made and maintained between simply taking advantage of all disruption to the system by whoever and whatever caused, and, on the other hand, actually associating with and thereby endorsing what are really manifestations of democracy in its dance to death.

Such elements are opposed by nature to all discipline and authority. Accordingly, they would be just as rebellious to a new order. The disruption which we ourselves engage in must be specifically that which is wrought by discipline and authority for the ultimate triumph of the same.

Talk of “Rock Against Communism” is an absurdity, he was told. “Rock” is the reduction of music to a mass of discordant, crudely repetitive and consequently massively ugly noises. That is Communism in sound, Communism being the reduction of people to the crude equality of a herd of cattle, and as such the culmination of democracy which is avowedly based on evaluation by numbers.

He paused, and then proceeded with his thesis that the ballot box is not the source but the expression of power.

“You cannot convert the masses without control of either the instruments which have corrupted them, or comparable ones, and you can only gain that through a seizure of state power, since you cannot attain state power by any solicitation of votes.

The ballot box today is the response-meter of the television box, and whoever controls the latter box controls the former. National elections now, in this age of mass manipulation by television, are not the means to power for the system’s outsiders. Instead, they have become in effect merely the closed shop of permitted opinions, left, right, and centre, put to public endorsement by the system’s insiders as the trick whereby to excite and display contentment with its enforcement of conformity, and thus to safeguard its continuation.”

Elections: The Camouflage of Power

“Democracy’s voting game is thus democracy’s confidence trick. The real arbiter is, always has been and always will be the possessor of power already, power used to procure votes, not power procured by votes. The present possessors of ultimate power, where distinct from puppet politicians, attained it or did their predecessors or ancestors by seizure, not by ballot, and they can be relied upon to unite, regardless of tolerable factional differences which are always minor relative to their common interest in the system, in using whatever force in their power to prevent any conceivable access to that power through the ballot box by any conceivable party of our beliefs.

Therefore, instead of the pointless pursuit of votes, we have to promote disillusionment with the voting game as an essential part of our true task which is a seizure of power from the syndicates of the system.”

“But how on earth can this be done?” objected Peter. “If democracy’s political Mafia has such tremendous power, including the power to hold the public mind in servitude and so virtually rig elections, how can we, a tiny minority of political outcasts, overcome that enemy?”

“The power structure of the enemy, enormous as it is, is yet far from invulnerable,” said the other. “The purposes of social and racial transformation pursued by the enemy — with the aim of absolute security of supremacy by way of a mongrelised flock of sheep — present the possibility of acute public discontent which, while not making the masses into regular activists, can yet cause spasmodic public disorder damaging to, the system. We have to encourage all such discontent contributory to its breakdown.

Secondly, the system is vulnerable throughout to disruptive attacks aimed at powerfully promoting its natural tendency to breakdown which alone is the situation in which an actual seizure of power can take place.

We have with ruthless logic to accept that only through a breakdown can there be a breakthrough for us. Accordingly, we have to concentrate on bringing it about in every possible way, consistent with the core of our ideology.”

Breakthrough by Breakdown

“What do you mean by disruptive attacks?” interrupted Peter.

“Just consider,” declared the stranger, “all the ramifications and complexities of the administration of the modern state, and imagine how small but highly competent teams could by one form of action or another seriously upset the mechanism!

“The subject is a huge study in itself, leading to a veritable science of its own. Visualise this disruption going on for a long time with cumulative effect in the dislocation of services and resulting public discontent! Then visualise the progressive ‘breakdown reaching a stage where the television relay stations are put out of action and the screens go blank, depriving the agitated masses of their diversions and indoctrination! You are then looking at the requisite revolutionary situation for a feasible seizure of the key points of state control.”

“Is this project purely clandestine?” asked Peter.

“No,” came the answer. “There are formations which can by their nature, and should to their convenience remain overt, such as some for research and some for direct propaganda, as well as communities created to put the new order into practice partially and in miniature for experiment and for example as well as the immediate benefit of those concerned. Such overt formations must necessarily have no overt links whatsoever with the clandestine formations, and even among themselves will best be only secretly linked to one another, and as self-contained as possible to avoid or make difficult multiple suppression when the old order becomes that desperate.

The criterion for the task force is thus not its categorical confinement to clandestine activities, but its categorical confinement in all its activities to a true elite because this alone is competent to conduct successfully the precise activities envisaged.

“I have just mentioned direct propaganda to the public. By that I mean both its overt form and also its covert form, which latter embraces both expression ruled illegal for its content by such as the Public Order legislation, and also expression held illegal because of its means of communication, such as a network of secret local radio transmitters for the devastating interruption of the sound track of television programs.

“This is a field of activity for which only the select personnel of the task force are suitable, and which in the extent of its audience and the incisiveness of its impact exceeds all the immensity of man hours of leafleting and street-corner haranguing by conventional nationalist parties.

Such direct propaganda, I must emphasise, is purely for the twin purpose of creating public discontent, and inspiring potential recruits for the task force, not for recruiting the public into some organisation of the masses which is the folly of the conventional political party.”

“Some of the task force activities would be treated as illegal by the present authorities, and used as a pretext for banning the whole thing with public approval,” objected Peter. “Wouldn’t it be better to stay completely legal, thereby putting the enemy in the wrong before the public, if they nevertheless ban it?”

Banning by Instalment Plan

“You have accurately to know your enemy,” responded the other.

Within the whole scheme of deception which is democracy, the stratagem of suppression preferred by the enemy is to prohibit by impediment while pretending that freedom prevails. In keeping with this they are already banning law-abiding racial nationalists and National Socialists by bit-by-bit restriction, such the Public Order legislation preventing racial free speech, and imposing other obstacles, and by the wideranging denial of facilities without which rights mean nothing.

This piecemeal suppression they will assuredly proceed with, even until the effect is virtually total — thereby achieving all that outright and outspoken ban could achieve, without any of conceivable disadvantage of its directness — depending not how lawabiding you are, but precisely how much of a men-you have become.

Any absent and needed pretext will be fabricated without hesitation. The brainwashed British public so far remained unmoved by the denial of freedom to you, can be confidently expected to remain so out of either ignorance or apathy. Moral justification enough exists already for resorting to means proclaimed unlawful by those disqualified from judgement by their contravention of the supreme law of racial survival and their denial to you of the freedom to abide by it. What counts accordingly is not your spurious rating by the enemy as “legal” or “illegal,” but your actual ability to hit and overthrow those who have made rebellion for the sake of your race and cm not merely your right but your duty, and conformity to their law an offence against nature.”

“What sort of persons would be needed for this task force?” Peter asked next.

Back came the reply: “Those and those alone who are wholly devoted to the survival and advancement of the Aryan folk, perceiving this cause in its fullness and serving it in its entirety through a fusion of the qualities of a trinity of worker, warrior, and priest.

As a worker I mean someone applying himself or herself methodically and constantly to the study and other preparation necessary for successful action.

As a warrior I mean someone responsive to the commanding fact that the significance of life is struggle, and high achievement in life the heroic waging of that struggle.

As a priest I mean someone in whom the well-spring of being and thus the source of a conquering superiority in strength is the perception of the cause in spiritual terms as the pursuit in human affairs of order and harmony reflective of the rational purpose of evolutionary progress measured by the ascendancy of the higher over the lower — which is definitive of beauty. In this pursuit is to be seen a gladsome conformity to the workings and thus the interpreted will of the cosmos discerned thus as divinity; this in essence being the essential new Aryan religion.

Each such person needs to become superbly fit for whatever tasks in view: physically trained in the martial arts for what is a veritable war; mentally trained in all that needs to be known for those tasks, ranging from a complete comprehension of all aspects of the cause in doctrinal depth and historical context to a full knowledge of the targets and techniques of disruption, and the ways of evading detection and capture, or coping with imprisonment if caught.

Alongside this, both to encourage the high degree of teamwork essential and to sustain the individual under all stress, an intense comradeship has to be drawn forth from the triple bond of a racial fellowship, ideological unity, and elitist function. Only such a human weapon of excellence can and will succeed.”

“How,” queried Peter, “could one contact and join this task force?”

Back came the answer that entry would necessarily be by invitation only. “What would happen,” said the other, “would be that persons such as yourself, in or outside the ordinary organisations, would be watched at length and checked extensively, and, if and when seen to be thoroughly suitable, then and only then personally approached and invited to join.”

At this, Peter’s companion, rose and departed, seemingly in the direction of the toilet, but he did not return, and Peter saw nothing more of him — that is, until some two years later when Peter was approached and recruited into Britain’s liberation movement, which was then inflicting serious damage on the enemy — but that is another story to be told at another time.

First published in 1989 by GOTHIC RIPPLES, Thorgarth, Greenhow Hill, Harrogate, HG3 5JQ, England. Reprinted in National Socialism: Vanguard of the Future (Selected Writings of Colin Jordan), Nordland Forlag, Aalbord, 1993. pp. 119-130. The sources page for this fictional article states, “TraiN of Thought was privately issued in booklet form by the author in 1989.” An original scan in PDF format of this booklet can be downloaded here. A new edition of the booklet by the Colin Jordan Memorial Project can be downloaded here.